Fashion and Eroticism Ideals of Feminine Beauty Angela Zito
by Rahma Wiryomartono
edited by Phoebe Lee
INTRODUCTION: THE MODERN WOMAN
In 1920s-30s Republican-era Communist china, there were many contending interpretations of the identity of the modern woman. Some viewed her equally an independent career adult female who set up aside traditional marriage expectations to pursue her professional goals.[1] Alternatively, she could be an educated, skilled, and urbane housewife who navigated urban environments with ease.[2] Politically motivated women, similar the suffragists, likewise counted as modern women.[three] Despite these dissimilar answers, one fundamental quality defined the modern woman: she lived and felt at home in the metropolis.[4] Since the idea of the modern adult female is inextricable from the urban context, this paper will examine the urban-rural carve up and how industrialization disrupted traditional gender norms in the 1920s and 30s. After, it will examine images of the modern adult female in mass media and clarify how the concept was shaped and manipulated to accommodate different agendas of the period.
During the early 20thursday century in industrial centres like Shanghai, female participation in the workforce surged and the visibility of women in the public sphere increased.[v] The modernistic adult female symbolized a revolutionary departure from the traditional gender roles and traditions of the countryside.[vi] These shifts in gender norms were notably illustrated in contemporary visual civilisation. Representations of the modern woman appeared widely in visual media such as paintings, films, advertisements, photography, agenda images, and mag pictorials. Nonetheless none of these images were politically neutral. Different social and political motivations operated behind representations of the mod adult female in Chinese visual culture of the early Republican flow.
Positive depictions of the modern woman embraced her as a figure of progressiveness, cultural advancement, and urbane sophistication. Conversely, negative representations treated her every bit a morally decadent and corrupting product of depraved urbanity. Portrayals of the modern woman frequently highlighted women'southward sexual, political, and financial independence. Disapproving audiences would often link the concept of the modern adult female to the perceived moral corruption of non simply the city, but too of Western influence. On the other manus, approving audiences would celebrate the cosmopolitanism and societal advocacy that the modern adult female symbolized. Thus, visual mass media revealed the varying public reactions to changes within a apace developing cities. In the case of the modern woman, the examination of visual civilisation illuminates the alien societal attitudes apropos female sexuality, shifting gender norms, and moral judgments.
THE URBAN-RURAL DIVIDE AND THE CASE OF SHANGHAI
The concept of the modern adult female highlighted the widening gulf betwixt urban centres and rural areas of Republican-era China. Although it is extremely hard to generalize patterns of women's lives in the rural context – given that the geographical scope was then wide and gender norms varied from region to region – the American economist John Lossing Buck carried out an extensive survey of female participation in agronomics during the 1920s.[7] Cadet created the department of agronomical economics at Nanking University in 1920, and his students carried out a survey of 16,786 farms and 38,256 farm families from 1920-32.[8] The results of the report revealed that 13% of farm labour was done by women, only this figure was higher in the rice-growing regions of the south, where women did 16% of the farm labour.[ix] Women's agricultural labour participation was the highest at 26% in Guangdong, southern Jiangxi, and northern Fujian, all of which are double-cropping rice areas.[10] Though Buck'southward piece of work was the most extensive survey of agricultural economics ever undertaken, Chinese economists criticized it for its group selection: his students reported on their own families and villages, which were more than prosperous than the national average.[11] Yet, Buck's work highlighted the variation in rural women's lives, as revealed by the differences in agricultural participation rates.
In terms of a gendered division of labour, rural women mainly did domestic work, such as spinning and weaving.[12] Rural expectations and labour norms, whether in the domicile or on the farm, became disrupted with the onset of rapid industrialization in the 1920s-30s, which significantly altered the economy.[13] The number of factories exponentially grew during this fourth dimension period in urban centres, notably in Shanghai.[14] Shanghai had a booming textile industry, and young girls from the countryside ofttimes migrated to the metropolis out of economic necessity to piece of work as cheap labourers in textile factories.[15] Consequently, female migrant workers fabricated up a sizeable portion of Shanghai's industrial proletariat.[16] Women became highly visible in the public sphere, whereas before, they were mainly cloistral in the habitation due to the domestic nature of women's piece of work.
Factory employment offered women greater financial independence. In some cases, women who worked in factories did non reside with their husbands, or only started to live with their husbands once the couple's first child was born. In these cases, traditional marriage expectations were disrupted.[17] Female person textile workers in Shanghai oftentimes formed 'sworn sisterhoods' with each other.[eighteen] These sworn sisters frequently migrated from the same villages and formed a sisterhood equally a support organization away from home. They stood in solidarity with each other, as exemplified past the frequent protests and strikes that took place in Shanghai cloth factories.[19] For example, in Shanghai cotton mills where the workforce was primarily female, women organized protests against poor working weather condition, ill-handling, and withheld wages.[20] In 1922, the Shanghai Women'south Industrial Progress led a strike involving 20,000 workers in the silk manufacture.[21] The 1920s-30s saw the increment of female person political organization and labour participation alongside rapid industrialization and urbanization. Amid these dramatic changes in urban Chinese life, financial independence and agile political participation became defining qualities of the modern woman.
VISUAL CULTURE IN 1920s-30s SHANGHAI PICTORIALS
Visual culture does not only encompass the fine arts: it includes all forms of publicly consumed visual media.[22] Thus, visual culture encompasses images from advertisements, illustrations, films, paintings, photography, calendar pictures, and magazine pictorials. Visual culture is prevalent in everyday life, and as a result, its content reflects popular attitudes and concerns of a given period. By examining a time catamenia through its visual culture, one can pose historical inquiries through a field of cultural product. In Visual Civilization: Image and Interpretations, Norman Bryson, Michael Ann Holly, and Keith Moxey argue that visual civilization is "actively engaged in organizing and structuring the social and cultural environment."[23]
During the 1920s-30s, Shanghai was the centre of People's republic of china'due south modern transformation.[24] It was not just China's industrial powerhouse, but also the site of mass protests, anti-colonial nationalism, and radical ideologies.[25] Ideas were freely floating in Shanghai, and they were disseminated by the metropolis's agile and booming publishing industry. The aureate age of the Shanghai pictorial press occurred from 1912-1937.[26] According to Carrie Waara, the ascent of the Shanghai pictorial press "demonstrates a belief amongst Chinese artists and entrepreneurs in the power of visual representation to construct a brilliant, new civilisation."[27] Most of the artists and entrepreneurs involved in the Shanghai pictorial press were working to advance an agenda of modernization.[28] The concept of the modern adult female was tied closely to this agenda, and representations of the modern adult female flourished in the visual culture of the 1920s-30s.
W.T.J. Mitchell writes that "the realm of vernacular and popular imagery clearly has to be reckoned with,"[29] due to the fact that such imagery has a profound issue on the social and cultural order of its geographical context. Visual representations of the modern woman in Shanghai print culture illustrate how gender norms were changing, and how new conceptions of womanhood were introduced. In his article "Artwork, Article, Issue: Representations of the Female person Body in Mod Chinese Pictorials," Yingjin Zhang argues that in Shanghai pictorials, visual representations of the female torso, the modern woman, could be classified as either artwork, commodity, or result.[30] As 'artwork,' the idealized female person body represents the essence of feminine beauty and caters to male person aesthetic tastes and demands for erotic connoisseurship. As 'article,' the female body was used for visual consumption and to promote sales, like in advertizement. Zhang argues that the circulation of artistic female person nudes in Shanghai pictorials falls nether this category, as the female nudes helped promote mag sales while enhancing the mod and revolutionary reputation of the magazine.[31] Every bit 'signifier,' the female person trunk symbolized the insertion of what Zhang calls "a threshold where the traditional was forced to admire the modernistic."[32] Traditionalist Chinese artists, who were often born and educated in Majestic China, had to face up questions about the status and survival of their fine art in mod times.[33] In this threshold, publicly-circulated representations of the female person trunk symbolized a culturally meaning effect, namely, the modernization of Prc, as embodied in the visual portrayals of the modernistic woman. The attraction of the modern woman could compel even the most traditionalist artist to admire modernity.
The female nude of Shanghai pictorials functioned equally a revolutionary representation of the modern woman. Writing virtually East Asian fine art history, John Hay asks: "Why does the trunk seem to be nearly invisible in a figurative tradition that flourished for over two thousand years?"[34] Mark Elvin pursues a similar line of inquiry and argues that "the unclothed human body was not seen equally an aesthetic object in Cathay before Chinese taste was – in the largest cities – influenced by Western ideas on this subject area."[35] Even so in the 1920s-30s, photographs and other visual representations of the female nude became popularly-circulated in Shanghai-based pictorials such as Liangyou (The Young Companion) and Meishu shenghuo (Arts & Life). Popular magazines like Liangyou, Meishu shenghuo, and Zhenxiang huabao (The Truth Pictorial) were concerned with promoting a national cause and asserting fine art's positive effect on the public readership.[36] Shuqin Cui also remarks on the tradition of invisibility in regard to the female body in Chinese art, citing social space, gender norms, and rhetorical conventions equally reasons why the female body was so rarely portrayed.[37] Cui argues that the female function in the domestic sphere and the limits of expression imposed by Confucianism made it improbable for the female person body to be the subject or the medium of creative creation.[38] Thus, portrayals of the female nude in Shanghai pictorials defied traditional gender norms and expectations, offer a revolutionary portrayal of womanhood by representing the publicly-exposed female person body every bit an artistic subject.
Magazine readership consisted of educated groups who could afford to buy them – such every bit businessmen, bankers, landlords, and other professionals – every bit well as the greater number of people who shared such texts – such as students, shop clerks, and role workers.[39] The demand for art magazines increased in the Great Depression years of the late 1920s and the 30s amid the upper and centre classes, who desired cultural stimulation and entertainment amid the pervasive gloom of the Low era.[40] Waara asserts that publishing is an authorizing human activity, since it creates and reinforces the hierarchy of cultural capital.[41] Past publishing female person nudes, magazines similar Liangyou and Meishu shenghuo set themselves up every bit vanguards for Mainland china's modern art, shaping the tastes of their audiences in the process.[42] The modern woman is portrayed as being comfortable enough with her body and sexuality to publicly expose it as an art object: this bold mental attitude goes upward confronting traditional Confucian expectations that girls and women be modest, cloistered in the home, and obedient to their male person family members.
As Elvin points out, the female person nude was rarely seen in Chinese art before widespread Western influence. Waara also argues that the inclusion of female person nudes in Shanghai-based pictorials helped to reinforce their editors' reputations equally cultural experts who were well versed in translating Western modernity for a Chinese audience.[43] Modernity and the mod woman were characterized past cosmopolitanism and liberated forms of sexuality, qualities which are arguably all-time represented in images of the female nude. Portrayals of the female nude received mixed responses from audiences. When viewed in a positive light, the artistic female nude was a symbol of progressiveness, sophisticated aesthetic tastes, and cultural advancement. However, when viewed negatively, the female nude – and past extension, the modern woman – signified the moral corruption of urbanism and the detrimental effects of "Western pollution," since the female nude was associated with uncontrolled sexuality, prostitution, and the degeneracy of the metropolis.[44] In this view, the urban center was seen as a corrupting influence because of its urban cosmopolitanism and Western-influenced bourgeois civilization. Thus, negative responses to representations of the female nude were tied to concerns over vices: the unabashed modern woman was conceived as a unique product of morally corrupting environments similar the city.[45]
Representations of the female nude also opposed Ming-Qing ideals of female person beauty equally information technology was portrayed in art. In the Chinese artistic tradition prior to the Republican period, the body was largely invisible.[46] Representations of the female body in visual art rarely existed. Patrons and subjects of the visual arts were mainly from the upper classes, and socially privileged women were housed inside residential gardens or female chambers.[47] In the Ming and Qing dynasties, the ideal female beauty in the artistic imagination was a lovelorn, melancholic, physically and emotionally vulnerable woman who longs subsequently her absent lover.[48] This formulation is meant to evoke feelings of sympathy in the observer, who would pity her social limitations and lack of self-esteem.[49] She is sequestered indoors, yearning for some other presence from the outside world. This cloistered, imagined beauty is contrasted with the exposed female nude, a subject area who does non pine for only one lover and whose body is exposed to the public.
ADVERTISING AND THE MODERN WOMAN
Due to their sheer ubiquity, advertisements were the virtually mutual type of visual media consumed by urban dwellers.[50] During the 1920s-30s, the modern adult female was frequently employed in advertising, as both a curated field of study every bit well equally a targeted demographic. As a subject, the modern woman was represented in visual media for public consumption in order to sell products. Every bit an audition, heart to upper class female urbanites were targeted past advertisers who wished to capitalize on their purchasing power. Women'south consumerism was celebrated in the Republican era, as images in mass media encouraged shopping as a respectable and fashionable feminine pastime.[51]
The concept of the modern woman was often represented in advertisements in Shanghai-based pictorials of the 1930s to sell household, fashion, and lifestyle products. In the commodity "Shanghai Women of 1939: Visuality and the Limits of Feminine Modernity," Shu-mei Shih studies the relationship between gender and Chinese modernity through the lens of advertising, specifically advertisements in the 1939 bug of the lifestyle magazine Shanghai shenghuo (Shanghai Guide). According to Shih, there were two forms of Chinese modernity. One type was masculine, while the other was feminine. When modernity was presented as a nationalist resistance to imperialism, it was articulated in masculine terms, since this course of modernity unsaid a struggle against encroaching external forces.[52] On the other hand, the feminine form of modernity was acted out in everyday life through lifestyle choices. In this form, Shih asserts that ane'due south modernity was displayed through lifestyle choices like dress, manners, and consumer habits.[53]
Equally a historical and visual subject field, the female body embodies female narratives and visual representation.[54] Advertisements included in the 1939 problems of Shanghai shenghuo display women smoking, flirting with men, and in different stages of undress. Like the female nude, the women represented in these advertisements defy traditional gender expectations of modesty, chastity, and obedience past navigating public environments independently and showing off their bodies. The advertisements not simply sell the products they are displaying – cigarettes, jewelry, or drinks, for case – but as well a certain fashionable lifestyle. Modern women are portrayed as fashionable, progressive, and desirable. Publishers of magazines did not only cater to readers, only too to advertisers.[55] Advertisers wanted to attain specific audiences: in the case of Shanghai pictorials of the 1930s, they wanted to attract an urbane audience through representations of the modern woman.[56] Thus, the modern woman was used in advertising equally both a selling point and a target audience in advertisements of the 1920s-30s. Advertisers manipulated the concept of the modern woman in order to encourage urban eye and upper class female person participation in consumer activities.[57]
THE MODERN WOMAN IN FILM
The modernistic woman was a frequent subject of Chinese films of the 1920s and 30s.[58] She was both reviled and adored, depending on the agendas of filmmakers. Many films focused on the human being tragedies of city life, every bit the city was widely perceived to be a night and uncaring identify that encouraged immorality. In films like The Goddess, A Dream in Pinkish, and Peach Blossom Weeps Tears of Blood, the virtuous protagonists come up confronting evil, morally corrupt dwellers of the urban center. The silent 1934 film The Goddess (dir. Wu Yonggang), follows the story of an unnamed young adult female who works every bit a prostitute in Shanghai in society to support her son. Prostitutes were regarded as the most modern of women, since sexual activity work opposed Confucian values of chastity, domesticity, and obedience.[59] However, the protagonist of The Goddess is portrayed in a sympathetic light. She is a devoted, nurturing, single mother who struggles to fund her son's education, turning to prostitution in an act of selflessness. A gambler named Zhang abuses her. After she kills him, she gets sentenced to twelve years in prison, just she asks her son'due south new guardian to tell him that she is expressionless, as she cannot bear for him to conduct the shame of having a mother like her. In The Goddess, the protagonist sacrifices everything for her son, implying that the real moral corruption derives from the city rather than herself. Shanghai is depicted equally a night, unsafe, and depraved place, in contrast to the protagonist'south initial humble dwellings. The heroine is a modern woman because of her line of work as a prostitute and her urban environment. In this way, The Goddess suggests that the modern adult female is non an platonic that should exist idolized or pursued.
The 1932 motion-picture show A Dream in Pink (dir. Cai Chusheng), similarly portrays the modernistic adult female in a negative light. The plot follows a writer who gets seduced past a modern adult female whom he meets at a nightclub, an exclusively urban setting. The writer leaves his traditional wife for this woman, simply the woman flirts with other men and eventually leaves him as well. In the end, the writer returns to his virtuous wife. This picture show is clearly a cautionary tale against the modern woman of the city. Although the modern woman is initially desirable, she cannot be trusted, since she lacks the fundamental female virtues of obedience and fidelity. A Dream in Pinkish also treats the metropolis and its inhabitants every bit decadent. This theme of urban corruption is also explored in the 1931 silent film Peach Blossom Weeps Tears of Blood (dir. Bu Wancang), which was made in Shanghai. In this film, a farmer'due south daughter becomes seduced, corrupted and deceived by a wealthy man from the city, whose mother refuses to approve of their relationship. The moving picture portrays rural people equally honest and hardworking, and urban people as idle, deceitful, and snobbish. In The Goddess, A Dream in Pink, and Peach Flower Weeps Tears of Blood, the modern city is a site of fundamental depravity. The films prepare strict dichotomies between urban and rural lifestyles, designating the old every bit immoral and the latter as virtuous.
Fifty-fifty though film was a relatively new medium in the 20s and 30s, filmmakers could use it to protest products of modernity, especially the modernistic woman. In such cases, films tin communicate a yearning for a bygone era, the relics of an idealized past. At the same time, films of the 1930s popularized actresses who were regarded as modern women, such equally Violet Wong, Wang Renmei, and Zhou Xuan. These women frequently played the part of the "songstress" – an exclusively urban entertainer who performed every bit teahouse hostesses, opera actresses, street singers, nightclub chanteuses, and political revolutionaries.[60] Songstress figures of 1930s Chinese films were essentially modern and cosmopolitan. Their vocal techniques were frequently derived from Western jazz and pentatonic folk melodies, and they were widely admired for their glamour, creative skills, and independence.[61] The popularity of the songstress figure and the actresses who played them reveals the enormous influence of the modern woman in popular culture of this fourth dimension.
Film had the power to convey different ideals of feminine virtues. When filmmakers disapproved of the mod adult female, they were able to portray her and her environment as degraded and immoral. Such films emphasized ideals of feminine guiltlessness and filial piety to a broad audition. Conversely, films could too promote a different model of ideal femininity characterized by glamour, sophistication, and worldly knowledge – traits of the mod adult female. The diverse representation of the modernistic adult female in Chinese movie theater of the 1930s demonstrates the significance of this concept in cultural productions and their audiences.
Decision
In the Qing Dynasty, women were expected to stay in the home and limit their labour to the domestic sphere.[62] The concept of the mod adult female became popularized during the Republican era, especially during the 1920s and 30s, which were decades of rapid industrialization in People's republic of china. The modern adult female opposed traditional values and gender roles through representations of her independence, open sexuality, political activity, and urbanity. She represented a break from rural expectations and norms for women. Visual civilization such equally art, films, photography, and advertisements in 1920-30s China illustrated the irresolute gender norms of that time. Unlike social and political agendas were at play in creating these visual portrayals of the modern woman, as outlined by the varying ways this concept was portrayed in mass visual media. In this respect, visual civilization is an invaluable medium for examining societal attitudes during a seminal epoch in modern Chinese history, as well as within a shifting social landscape.
Rahma Wiryomartono is a U4 English language Literature and History student. She is interested in the visual art traditions of East Asia and the means in which intercultural exchanges are facilitated through art. She likes to pigment and written report the aesthetics of dissimilar cultures.
NOTES
[1] Bailey, Paul. Women in the City and Countryside before 1949, 79-99.
[two] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[four] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Kuo, Jason C. Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s. Washington: New Academia Publishing, 2007, 1.
[vii] Bailey, Paul. Women in the Metropolis and Countryside before 1949, 79-99.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[x] Ibid.
[11] Stross, Randall. The Stubborn Earth: American Agriculturalists on Chinese Soil, 1898-1937. Academy of California Printing, 1989.
[12] Ko, Dorothy. Cinderella's Sisters: A Revisionist History of Footbinding. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005, 2.
[xiii] Bailey, Paul. Women in the Urban center and Countryside earlier 1949, 79-99.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ping, Wang. Agonized for Beauty: Footbinding in China. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000, 39.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Ibid.
[xix] Bailey, Paul. Women in the City and Countryside before 1949, 79-99.
[20] Ibid.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Kuo, Jason. Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s, ii.
[23] Bryson, Norman; Michael Ann Holly; Keith Moxey. Visual Culture: Image and Interpretations. Hanover, NH: Academy Press of New England, 1994, xviii.
[24] Kuo, Jason C. Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s, 1.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Ibid., half dozen.
[27] Waara, Carrie. "The Bare Truth: Nudes, Sex activity, and the Modernization Project in Shanghai Pictorials," 164.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Mitchell, Westward.T.J. "What is Visual Civilisation?" Meaning in the Visual Arts: Views from the Outside ed. Irving Lavin. Princeton: Institute for Advanced Report, 1995, 208-10.
[xxx] Zhang, Yingjin. "Artwork, Commodity, Consequence: Representations of the Female Body in Mod Chinese Pictorials" in Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s ed. Jason C. Kuo. Washington: New Academia Publishing, 2007, 123.
[31] Waara, Carrie. "The Bare Truth: Nudes, Sex, and the Modernization Project in Shanghai Pictorials," 165.
[32] Zhang, Yingjin. "Artwork, Article, Event," 123.
[33] Andrews, Julia F. and Kuiyi Shen. "The Traditionalist Response to Modernity: The Chinese Painting Society of Shanghai," 79.
[34] Hay, John. "The Trunk Invisible in Chinese Art?" Body, Subject and Ability in Communist china ed. Angela Zito and Tani Due east. Barlow. Chicago: University of Chicago Printing, 1994, 42-3.
[35] Elvin, Marker. "Tales of Shen and Xin: Torso-Person and Heart-Mind in Cathay during the Last 150 Years," in Fragments for a History of the Human Body ed. Michel Feher. New York: Zone Books, 1989, pt. 2, 312.
[36] Waara, Carrie. "The Blank Truth," 171.
[37] Cui, Shuqin. Gendered Bodies: Toward a Women's Visual Art in Contemporary China. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2016, 17.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Waara, Carrie. "The Blank Truth," 167.
[xl] Ibid., 168.
[41] Ibid., 165.
[42] Xhang, Yingjin. "Artwork, Article, Event," 121.
[43] Waara, Carrie. "The Bare Truth," 167.
[44] Kuo, Jason C. Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s, six.
[45] Bailey, Paul. Women in the Metropolis and Countryside before 1949, 79-99.
[46] Cui, Shuqin. Gendered Bodies, xviii.
[47] Ibid., 17.
[48] Ibid., 18.
[49] Ibid.
[l] Pang, Laikwan. The Distorting Mirror: Visual Modernity in China. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2007, 103.
[51] Ibid.
[52] Shih, Shu-mei. "Shanghai Women of 1939: Visuality and the Limits of Feminine Modernity," in Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s ed. Jason C. Kuo. Washington: New Academia Publishing, 2007, 123.
[53] Kuo, Jason C. Visual Culture in Shanghai, 1850s-1930s, vi.
[54] Cui, Shuqin. Gendered Bodies, 9.
[55] Waara, Carrie. "The Bare Truth," 167.
[56] Ibid.
[57] Kuo, Jason. Visual Culture in Shanghai, 7.
[58] Bailey, Paul. Women in the City and Countryside earlier 1949, 79-99.
[59] Ibid.
[lx] Ma, Jean. Sounding the Modern Adult female: The Songstress in Chinese Cinema. Durham: Knuckles University Press, 2015, 4.
[61] Ibid., half dozen.
[62] Pang, Laikwan. The Distorting Mirror, 103.
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